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Flight and expulsion of Germans from Poland during and after World War II

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Refugee trek, Danzig, February 1945
Propaganda signs, Danzig, February 1945: "Panic and rumours are the best allies of the Bolshevists!"

The flight and expulsion of Germans from Poland was the largest of a series of flights and expulsions of Germans in Europe during and after World War II. The German population fled or was expelled from all regions which are currently within the territorial boundaries of Poland, including the former eastern territories of Germany and parts of pre-war Poland.

The first mass movement of German civilians followed the Red Army's advance and was composed of both spontaneous flight driven by rumours of Soviet atrocities, and organised evacuation starting in the summer of 1944 and continuing through to the spring of 1945.[1] About 3.5 million people were involved, mainly driven by fear of the advancing Soviet Army.[1] In 1945, the eastern territories of Germany (most of Silesia and Pomerania, East Brandenburg, and East-Prussia) as well as Polish areas annexed by Nazi Germany (especially Warthegau and Reichsgau Danzig-West Prussia) were occupied by the Soviet Red Army and Polish military forces. Early expulsions in Poland were undertaken by the Polish Communist military authorities[2] even before the Potsdam Conference ("wild expulsions"),[3] to ensure the later integration into an ethnically homogeneous Poland[4] as envisioned by the Polish Communists.[5][6] Between seven hundred and eight hundred thousand Germans were affected.[1] Germans were defined as either Reichsdeutsche, people enlisted in 1st or 2nd Volksliste groups, and those of the 3rd group, who held German citizenship. About 1.1 million[7] German citizens of Slavic descent were "verified" as "autochtone" Poles,[8] 900,000 of whom natives of Upper Silesia and Masuria.[7] Of those, most were not expelled, yet hundreds of thousands emigrated to Germany after 1950, including most Masurians.[9]

The Soviet Union transferred territories to the east of the Oder-Neisse Line to Poland in July 1945.[8] All Germans were expropriated and placed under restrictive jurisdiction.[8][10] Subsequent to this, under the authority of Potsdam Agreement, most remaining Germans were expelled from pre-war Poland and the so-called "Recovered Territories" to the territories west of the Oder-Neisse line. From the spring of 1946 the expulsions gradually became better organised, and less lethal, affecting another three million people.[1] Some German civilians, prior to their expulsion, were used as forced labour in Communist administered camps.[11] Besides large camps, some of which were re-used Nazi concentration camps, numerous other forced labour, punitive and internment camps, urban ghettos, and detention centres sometimes consisting only of a small cellar were set up.[10] An estimated million[1] of Germans considered "indispensable" for the Polish economy were retained until the early 1950s,[10] and all had virtually left by 1960.[9] Close to 165,000 Germans were transported to the Soviet Union for forced labour where most of them perished.[10]

The attitude of Polish civilians, many of whom had experienced brutalities only surpassed by the treatment of the Jews during the preceding Nazi occupation, was varied.[12] Many engaged in looting, robberies, beatings and even murders and rapes.[12] On the other hand, there were incidents when Poles, even freed slave labourers, protected Germans, for example by disguising them as Poles.[12] The attitude of the Soviet soldiers was also ambivalent. Many committed numerous atrocities, most prominently rapes and murders,[13] and did not always distinguish between Poles and Germans, often mistreated them alike.[14] Other Soviets were taken aback by the brutal treatment of the Germans and engaged in their protection.[12]

Thomasz Kamusella is citing estimates of 7 million expelled during both "wild" and "legal" expulsions from the "Recovered Territories" until 1948, joined by an additional 700,000 from areas of pre-war Poland.[10] Overy cites approximate totals of those evacuated, migrated, or expelled between 1944–1950 from East Prussia: 1.4 million to Western Germany, 609,000 to Eastern Germany; from West Prussia: 230,000 to Western Germany, 61,000 to Eastern Germany; from the former German area East of the Oder-Neisse: 3.2 million to Western Germany, 2 million to Eastern Germany.[15]

Contents

Background

Historical background

German settlement in the former eastern territories of Germany and pre-war Poland dates back to the medieval Ostsiedlung. Nazi Germany used the presence and the alleged persecution of Volksdeutsche as propaganda tools in preparation for the invasion of Poland in 1939. With the invasion, Poland was partitioned between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union according to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. This was followed by population exchanges, mostly Baltic Germans were resettled to occupied Poland.

Nazi Germany's Generalplan Ost strategy for Central and Eastern Europe envisioned the creation of a Greater Germany, which was to be built by means of removing a variety of non-Germans from Poland and other areas in Eastern Europe, mainly Slavs and Jews believed by Nazis to be subhuman. These non-Germans were targeted for slave labor and eventual extermination. While Generalplan Ost's settlement ambitions did not come into full effect due to the war's turn, some Germans mostly from Eastern Europe were settled by the Nazis to replace Poles removed or killed during the occupation. Nazi Germany deported millions of Poles either to other territories, to concentration camps or as slave workers. Many others were deported by the Soviet Union.

Allied decisions: Tehran, Yalta and Potsdam conferences

Allied map used to determine the number of Germans that would have to be expelled from the eastern German territories using different border scenarios

Though initially hesitant to support widespread post-war population transfers, the British government began signaling approval already in late 1940, after German bombing attacks on British cities had radicalised British public opinion. But, British officials were sharply divided on the extent and speed of the transfers. In 1943, the War Office opposed the Foreign Office’s intentions to move Polish borders as far as the Oder-Neisse line and deport the millions of Germans who would be left inside the new borders of Poland. Such a move, the Director of Military Intelligence wrote, would yield an overpopulated and revisionist Germany bordering an underpopulated and weak Poland, and would "sow the seeds of another war".[16] The Foreign Office countered with the argument that German salients in the East were even more dangerous and rendered Poland strategically vulnerable. Just as important, argued the Foreign Office, Britain had a moral obligation to Poland, which would have to be compensated for its losses to the Soviet Union.

Representatives of the Polish Government were not present at any of those conference and felt betrayed by their western Allies who have decided about future Polish borders behind their backs.

Retreating Wehrmacht, eastern Germany, March 1945

Following the Tehran Conference (November-December 1943) Joseph Stalin and Winston Churchill made it clear that the Soviets would keep the Polish territories east of the Curzon line and offered Poland territorial compensation in the West.[17] The final decision to move Poland's boundary westward, preconditioning the expulsion of Germans, was made by Britain, the Soviet Union, and the United States at the Yalta Conference in February 1945, when the Curzon line was irrevocably fixed as the future Polish-Soviet border.[12][18] The precise location of the Polish western border was left open and, though basically the Allies had agreed on population transfers, the extent remained questioned[19]. Concerning the post-war western frontier of Poland, the agreement simply read: "If a specific problem such as the frontiers of liberated Poland and the complexion of its government allowed no easy solution, hopes were held out for the future discussion of all outstanding problems in an amicable manner."[20] Upon gaining control of these lands, the Soviet and Polish-Communist authorities started to expel the German population.[21]

In July 1945, at the Potsdam Conference, the Allies placed most former eastern territories of Germany east of the Oder Neisse line under Polish administration. Article XIII concerning the transfer of Germans was adopted at the Potsdam Conference in July 1945. It was an emergency measure, drafted and adopted in great haste, a response to the wild expulsions of Germans from Czechoslovakia and Poland, which had created a chaotic situation in the American and British zones of occupation. The Soviet Union transferred territories to the east of the Oder-Neisse Line to Poland in July 1945. Subsequently, most of the remaining Germans were expelled to the territories west of the line.

President Harry S. Truman complained that there were now five occupation zones because the Soviets had turned over the area extending along the Oder and western Neisse to Poland and was concerned about Germany's economic control and war reparations.[22] Churchill spoke against giving Poland control over an area in which some eight million Germans lived. Stalin insisted that the Germans had all fled and that the Poles were needed to fill the vacuum.[23] On July 24, the Polish communist delegation arrived in Berlin, insisting on the Oder and western Neisse rivers as the frontier, and they vehemently argued their case before the foreign ministers, Churchill, and Truman, in turn.[23] The next day Churchill warned Stalin: "The Poles are driving the Germans out of the Russian zone. That should not be done without considering its effect on the food supply and reparations. We are getting into a position where the Poles have food and coal, and we have the mass of (the) population thrown at us."[24] To the Soviets, reparations were more important than boundaries, and Stalin might have sold out the Poles if they had not so vociferously protested when, in spite of his 'illness', he consulted with them during the evening of July 29.[25]

Polish attitudes

Władysław Gomułka, Polish Communist leader, organized expulsions in his "Ministry for the Recovered Territories"

As early as in 1941, Władysław Sikorski of the Polish government in exile insisted on driving "the German horde (...) back far [westward]"[26], while in 1942 memoranda he expressed concern about Poland acquiring Lower Silesia, populated with "fanatically anti-Polish Germans".[27][28] Yet as the war went on, Lower Silesia also became a Polish war aim, as well as occupation of the Baltic coast west of Szczecin as far as Rostock and occupation of the Kiel Canal.[28] Expulsions of Germans from East Prussia and pre-war Poland had become a war aim as early as in February 1940, expressed by Polish Foreign Minister August Zaleski[28].

Stanisław Mikołajczyk, Polish prime minister of the Polish Government in Exile, supported the expulsions[citation needed]

After Sikorski's death, the next Polish Prime Minister Stanisław Mikołajczyk in a letter to Roosevelt expressed his concerns about the idea of compensating Poland in the west.[29] However, pressed by Churchill, he was forced to accept the Tehran decision, which was the direct cause of his resignation from his post.[30]The next Polish Prime Minister, Tomasz Arciszewski made a stated that Poland did not "want neither Breslau nor Stettin".[31]

Although the Polish government in Exile was recognised by the Allies at that time, the Soviet Union broke off all diplomatic relations with it in April 1943 after Polish government demanded the investigation of the Katyn massacre. On April 20, 1944, in Moscow, the Soviet sponsored Polish Communist cell founded the Polish Committee of National Liberation (PKWN) on Stalin’s initiative. Just one week later the representatives of the PKWN and the Soviet Union signed a treaty regulating the new Polish-Soviet border. A year later, before the Potsdam Conference, the western Allies followed Stalin, recognized the Soviet-sponsored government, which accepted the shift of the borders westwards, and withdrew their recognition for the Polish government in Exile.

When Stanisław Mikołajczyk joined the "Government of National Unity" as a deputy prime minister in 1945, he justified the expulsions of Germans by national terms following communist Wladyslaw Gomulka, but also as a revolutionary act, freeing the Poles of exploitation by a German middle and upper class.[32]

Flight and evacuation following the Red Army's advance

Dead Germans in Nemmersdorf, East Prussia. Soviet atrocities, exaggerated and spread by Nazi propaganda, fueled the spontaneous flight of the German population.

After the Red Army had advanced into the eastern parts of post-war Poland in the Lublin–Brest Offensive, launched on 18 July 1944, Soviet spearheads first reached eastern German territory on 4 August 1944 at northeastern East Prussia and Memelland, causing a first wave of refugees.[33] These refugees temporarily returned when the German army, Wehrmacht, was able to regain territory in Operation Doppelkopf.[34] On October 5, the Red Army launched the Memel Offensive,[34] and eleven days later the Gumbinnen Offensive into East Prussia.[35] In the same month, Volkssturm units were formed out of the not yet drafted male population deemed fit for military service.[35] While Nazi Gauleiter Erich Koch refused to evacuate the civilian population, Wehrmacht and the East Prussian president (Regierungspräsident) evacuated more than 600,000 people from a 30 kilometer wide strip behind the frontline, a measure which the Gauleitung finally approved in late October.[34] When the Wehrmacht repelled the Soviet Gumbinnen Offensive throughout the fall of 1944, news were spread by the Nazi propaganda machine[36] about a Soviet massacre in Nemmersdorf[37] and other atrocities.[38] People were now aware of the Soviet reprisals on German civilians[12] and apprehensive regarding the pending Soviet takeover[12] - "Die Russen kommen!" ("Russians approaching!") became the desperate slogan of the time.[38]

Refugees cross the frozen Frisches Haff, 1945

With the Soviet Vistula–Oder Offensive, launched on 12 January 1945, and the parallel East Prussian Offensive launched on 13 January 1945, Soviet gains of pre-war German and annexed Polish territory became permanent. With the subsequent East Pomeranian, Lower Silesian and Upper Silesian Offensives in February and March, the Red Army seized control of virtually all territories east of the Oder river. Wehrmacht counter-offensives like Operation Solstice and Operation Gemse were repelled, and only shrinking pockets like Breslau, Danzig,[39] Heiligenbeil, Hela, Kolberg, Königsberg, and Pillau[39] remained German controlled. Soviet soldiers committed reprisal rapes and other crimes [12][13] In most cases, implementation of the evacuation plans was delayed until Soviet and Allied forces had defeated the Nazi forces and advanced into the areas to be evacuated. The responsibility for leaving millions of Germans in these vulnerable areas until combat conditions overwhelmed them can be attributed directly to the draconian measures taken by the Nazis against anyone even suspected of 'defeatist' attitudes [as evacuation was considered] and the fanaticism of many Nazi functionaries in their execution of Hitler's 'no retreat' orders.[13][40][41][42] Hitler and his staff refused to accept Soviet military superiority.[41] Hitler called the Red Army "gleaned punks" and "booty divisions", who were not able to win decisive battles.[43] Himmler called the preparation of the early 1945 Soviet offensive "the biggest bluff since Dshingis Khan".[44]

Refugee trek in East Prussia, March 1945

The first mass movement of German civilians in the eastern territories was composed of both spontaneous flight and organized evacuation, starting in the summer of 1944 and continuing through the early spring of 1945.[45] Conditions turned chaotic in the winter, when miles-long queues of refugees pushed their carts through the snow trying to stay ahead of the Red Army.[12] From the Baltic coast, thousands were evacuated by ship in Operation Hannibal.[12] Since February 11, refugees were shipped not only to German ports, but also to Nazi occupied Denmark, based on an order issued by Hitler on 4 February.[46] Of 1,180 ships participating in the evacuation, 135 were lost due to bombs, mines, and torpedoes, an estimated 20,000 died.[47] Between 23 January 1945 and the end of the war, 2,022,702 people were transported via the Baltic Sea,[48] between 200,000[49] and 250,000[50] of them to occupied Denmark.

When the land evacuation routes were already intercepted by the Red Army, tens of thousands remaining Germans were evacuated by ship in Operation Hannibal. Depicted liner MV Wilhelm Gustloff was sunk by a Soviet submarine, 9,000 drowned.

Most of the evacuation efforts commenced in January 1945, when Soviet forces were already at the eastern border of Germany. About six million Germans had fled or were evacuated from the areas east of the Oder-Neisse line before Soviet and the attached Polish Army took control of the region.[51] Refugee treks and ships which came into reach of the advancing Soviets suffered high casualties when targeted by low-flying aircraft, torpedoes, or were rolled over by tanks.[12] The most infamous incidents during the flight and expulsion from the territory of later Poland include the sinking of the refugee liner MV Wilhelm Gustloff by a Soviet submarine with a death toll of some 9,000 people;[12] the USAF bombing of refugee-crowded[52] Swinemünde on 12 March 1945 killing an estimated 23,000[53][54] to 25,000;[55] the desperate conditions under which refugees crossed the frozen Frisches Haff, where thousands broke in, froze to death, or were killed by Soviet aircraft;[56] and the poorly organized evacuation and ultimative sacrifice of refugee crowded Breslau by the local Nazi authorities headed by Karl Hanke.

The Nazi German Ministry for Inner Affairs passed a decree on 14 March 1945 allowing abortion to women raped by Soviet soldiers.[57]

After the Soviet and Polish take-over

Volkssturm to defend the Oder, February 1945
Soviet forces enter Danzig (Gdansk), March 1945

Many refugees tried to return home when the fighting in their homelands ended. Before June 1, 1945, some 400,000 crossed back over the Oder and Neisse rivers eastward, before Soviet and Polish communist authorities closed the river crossings; another 800,000 entered Silesia from Czechoslovakia.[58]

Soviet troops,[13][14] as well as Polish civilians[12] and militias[59] exacted revenge on ethnic Germans and German nationals. While many Germans had already fled ahead of the advancing Soviet Army, millions of Reichs- and Volksdeutsche remained in East and West Prussia, Silesia, Pomerania, the Sudetenland, and in pockets throughout Central and Eastern Europe.[11] The Polish courier Jan Karski warned US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt of the possibility of Polish reprisals, describing them as "unavoidable" and "an encouragement for all the Germans in Poland to go west, to Germany proper, where they belong".[60]

Deportation to the Soviet Union

On February 6, 1945, Soviet NKVD ordered mobilisation of all German men (17 to 50 years old) in the Soviet-controlled territories. Many of them were then transported to the Soviet Union for forced labour. In the former German territories the Soviet authorities did not always distinguish between the Poles and Germans and often treated them alike.[14] Some 165,000 Germans were rounded up randomly and deported in 1945, they were not allowed to "return" (that is, not to their former homes but to either East or West Germany) until 1955; most of them perished[61].

Internment and forced labor in Poland

In territories that belonged to Poland before the war, Germans were treated even more harshly than in the former German territories[62]. Deprived of any citizen rights, many were used as forced labor prior to their expulsion, sometimes for years, in labor battalions or in labour camps[63][64] such as Glaz, Milecin, Gronowo, Sikawa, Central Labour Camp Jaworzno, Central Labour Camp Potulice, Łambinowice (run by Czesław Gęborski), Zgoda labour camp and others. The death toll was between twenty and fifty percent[65], and as the guards were not paid regular salary they forcefully extracted their wage from the inmates[66]. When Geborski was tried by the Polish authorities in 1959 for his wanton brutality, he stated his only goal was to exact revenge for his own treatment during the war[67].

Zayas states that "in many internment camps no relief from outside was permitted. In some camps relatives would bring packages and deliver them to the Polish guards, who regularly plundered the contents and delivered only the remains, if any. Frequently, these relatives were so ill-treated that they never returned. Internees who came to claim their packages were also mistreated by the guards, who insisted the internees should speak Polish, even if they were Germans born in German-speaking Silesia or Pomerania."[68]

Among the interned were also German POWs. Up to 10% of the 700,000 to 800,000 POWs of the respective battlegrounds were handed over to the Poles by the Soviet military for the use of their work force[69]. Their number in 1946 was 40,000 according to the Polish administration, of whom 30,000 were used as miners in the Upper Silesian coal industries[70]. 7,500 Germans alleged of crimes against Poles were handed over to Poland by the Western Allies in 1946 and 1947[71]. A number of German Nazi war criminals were imprisoned in Polish jails, at least 8,000 remained in jail in 1949, many of them also being POWs[72]. (see also Supreme National Tribunal)

Pre-Potsdam "wild" expulsions (May - July 1945)

Refugee's trail, eastern Germany 1945.

In 1945, the former eastern territories of Germany (Silesia, most of Pomerania, East Brandenburg and East-Prussia) were occupied by Soviet and Soviet controlled Polish military forces. Polish militia and military started expulsions[73] already before the Potsdam Conference, referred to as "wild expulsions" (German: Wilde Vertreibungen), affecting between 700,000 and 800,000 Germans.[1] The Polish communists ordered the expulsion of Germans: "We must expel all the Germans because countries are built on national lines and not on multi-national ones" was demanded by participants of a Plenum of the Central Committee of the Polish Workers Party in May 20-21, 1945.[74] On the same Plenum, the head of the Central Committee, Wladyslaw Gomulka, ordered: "There has to be a border patrol at the border [Oder-Neisse line] and the Germans have to be driven out. The main objective has to be the cleansing of the terrain of Germans, the building of a nation state".[75] To ensure the Oder Neisse line would be accepted as the new Polish border at a future Allied Conference (Potsdam Conference), up to 300,000 Germans living close to the rivers' eastern bank were expelled subsequently[76]. On May 26, 1945, the Central Committee ordered all Germans to be expelled within one year and the area settled with some 3.5 million ethnic Poles; 2.5 million of them were already re-settled by summer[77].

Germans were defined as either Reichsdeutsche or Volksdeutsche resembling the 1st or 2nd category in the Nazis' Volksliste, people who had signed a lower category were allowed to apply for "verification", that was to determine whether they would be granted Polish citizenship as "autochtones"[78]. Polish military drove 400,000 Germans across Poland's new western border in June and July[79].

Many Germans evacuated during the war were not allowed to return to their homes. Before June 1, 1945, some 400,000 managed to cross the Oder and Neisse rivers eastward before Polish authorities closed the river crossings, another 800,000 entered Silesia from Czechoslovakia, bringing up Silesia's population to 50% of the pre-war level.[80]. This led to the odd situation of treks of Germans moving about in all directions, to the east as well as to the west, each warning the others of what would await them at their destination[32]

Expulsions following the Potsdam Conference

File:OderNeisselineatSwinemünde.JPG

After the Potsdam Conference, Poland was officially in charge of the territories east of the Oder Neisse line. Despite the fact that article 8 of Potsdam agreement from August 2, 1945 stated that "population transfer" should be performed in ordered and humane manner, and should not commence until after the creation of an expulsion plan approved by the Allied Control Council, the expulsions continued without rules and were associated with many criminal acts.[81]

While the Polish administration had set up a State Repatriation Office (Państwowy Urząd Repatriacyjny, PUR), the bureau and its administrative subunits proved ineffective due to quarrels between Communists and opposition and a lack of equipment for the giant task of expelling Germans and resettling Poles in an area devastated by war[82]. Furthermore, rivalry occurred between the Soviet occupation forces and the newly-installed Polish administration, a phenomenon dubbed dwuwladza (double administration)[83]. The Soviets kept trains and German workmen regardless of the Polish ambitions and plans[82].

Expellees from Pomerania, West and East Prussia arrive in Berlin, 1945.

The waves of expulsions after the Potsdam conference must also be seen in the context of the contemporary, likewise unorganized, resettling of displaced or homeless Poles. Polish settlers, who themselves had been expelled from areas east of the Curzon line, arrived with about nothing, putting an even higher pressure on the remaining Germans to leave[84]. For the Germans, the Potsdam Agreement eased conditions only in one way - because now the Poles were more confident in keeping the former eastern territories of Germany, the expulsions were performed with less haste, which meant the Germans were duly informed about their expulsions earlier and were allowed to carry some luggage[85].

Another problem the Germans and, to a lesser extent, even the newly arrived Poles were facing was an enormous crime wave, most notably theft and rape, committed by gangs not only consisting of regular criminals but also Soviet soldiers, deserters or former forced laborers (Ostarbeiter), coming back from the west[86]. In Upper Silesia, a party official complained about some Polish security forces and militia raping and pillaging the German population and a general loss of sense for right and wrong[84]. Much abuse also came from large Soviet contingents stationed in Poland after the war. A high number of crimes committed by regular Soviet soldiers - on both German and Polish populace - had been reported, as well as a high death toll of the few Polish officials who dared to investigate these cases[87]. Yet, Soviet troops played an ambiguous role, as there are also cases where Soviets freed local Germans imprisoned by Poles, or delayed expulsions to keep German workforce, for example on farms providing Soviet troops (for instance in Słupsk).[88]

Refugees from East Prussia, 1945

The damaged infrastructure and quarrels between the Allied authorities in the occupation zones of Germany and the Polish administration caused long delays in the transport of expellees, who were first ordered to gather at one of the various PUR transportation centers or internment camps and then often forced to wait in ill-equipped barracks, exposed both to criminals, aggressive guards and the cold and not supplied sufficiently with food due to the overall shortages[82]. The "organized transfer" as agreed at the Potsdam Conference began in early 1946 and subsequently evolved in a process coordinated with British and Soviet authorities in occupied Germany. Conditions for expellees improved, yet due to the lack of heating facilities, the cold winters of both 1945/46 and 1946/47 continued to claim many lives.[84] The major evictions were completed in 1946, although another 500,000 Germans arrived in the Soviet Zone from Poland in 1947. An unknown number remained;[89] a small German minority continues to reside in Upper Silesia and Masuria.

"Autochthones"

Another problem that Polish authorities were faced with was the disposition of the so-called "Germanized Poles" or "autochthons". Of close to three million residents of Masuria (Masurs), Pomerania (Kashubians) and Upper Silesia (Silesians) of Slavic descent, many did not identify with Polish nationality, were either bilingual or spoke German or Germanized dialects only[90]. Large numbers of these had registered with the German Deutsche Volksliste during the war. While those who had signed Volksliste category "I" were expelled, the Polish government aimed to retain as many as "autochthons" as possible, as they were needed both for economic reasons and also for propaganda purposes, as their presence on former German soil was used to indicate an intrinsic "Polishness" character of the area and justify its incorporation into the Polish state as "recovered territories"[91]. "Verification" and "national rehabilitation" processes were set up to reveal a "dormant Polishness" and to determine which were redeemable as Polish citizens, few were actually expelled[92]. "Autochthons" not only disliked the subjective and often arbitrary verification process, but they also faced discrimination even once verified. Polish settlers coveted autochthon property, and they resented and distrusted the verified autochthons. Many autochthons fled to occupied Germany in despair at their treatment, although the situation in Germany was little better. As one Silesian wrote, "In Poland, I'm a German. In Germany, a Pole. Perhaps they should create a state for us on the moon. There we might finally feel at home".[93]

The verification procedure varied in different territories and was changed several times. Initially, the applicants had to prove their past membership in a Polish minority organization of the German Reich, and in addition needed a warrant where three Polish locals testified their Polishness.[94] In April 1945, the Upper Silesian voivode declared the fulfillment of only one of these requirements to be sufficient.[94] In the areas like Lower Silesia and Pomerania, where the Polish authorities suspected only Germans, verification was handled much more strictly than in the former German-Polish borderlands.[7] Of the 1,104,134 "verified autochtones" in the census of 1950, close to 900,000 were natives of Upper Silesia and Masuria.[7]

"Rehabilitation"

While most of the ethnic German population of pre-war Poland fled or was expelled, some were "rehabilitated" and offered their pre-war Polish citizenship back.[95] "Rehabilitation" was offered to people who had been subject to forced labour before, spoke Polish and were rated as not constituting a threat.[95] Once granted Polish citizenship, they were encouraged to Polonize their names, or to re-Polonize them if they had been Germanized during the war.[95] Numbers of how many were offered to stay in Poland as Poles and eventually did are not available,[95] but it is assumed that the vast majority had rather opted and left for Germany by 1960.[95] Those of mixed descent from within or without the borders of pre-war Poland were also allowed to stay on the premise of Polonization, yet likewise no comprehensive data exists.[95]

"Indispensable Germans"

Some Germans were exempted from expulsion and retained because of their professional skills, if no Pole was at hand to replace them. These Germans were treated second class regarding salary and food supply. So-called "abandoned wives", whose husbands found themselves in post-war Germany and were not able to return, were compelled to "seek divorce" and were not allowed to leave for Germany before 1950-1952[96]. The other ones retained were not allowed to leave before 1956, these measures also included the families of the retainees or the parts thereof remaining with them[97]. About 250,000 had been issued East German passports in the 1950s, ending their former statelessness.[98] Many were concentrated in the areas of Wroclaw (former Breslau),[98] Walbrzych (former Waldenburg),[98][99] and Legnica (former Liegnitz),[98] all in Lower Silesia, and in Koszalin (former Köslin)[98] in Pomerania. How many actually left is uncertain, though it is generally assumed that the majority emigrated.[98] The German society of Walbrzych has maintained a continuous existence since 1957.[98]

Repopulation

People from all over Poland moved in to replace the former German population in a process parallel to the expulsions. While the Germans were interned and expelled, up to 5 million[100] settlers were either attracted or forced to settle the area. The settlers can be grouped according to their background:

  • settlers from Central Poland moving in on a voluntary basis (majority)[101]
  • Poles that had been freed from forced labor in Nazi Germany (up to two millions)[102][103]
  • Repatriants- Poles expelled from the Kresy areas east of the Curzon line annexed by the Soviet Union, who made up for less than 10% of the overall Polish population, were preferably settled in the new western territories where they made up for 26% of the population (up to two millions)[104][105]
  • non-Poles forcefully resettled during Operation Wisla in 1947. Large numbers of Ukrainians were forced to move from south eastern Poland under a 1947 Polish government operation, termed Operation Wisla, which aimed at dispersing, and therefore assimilating, the Ukrainian population, which had not been expelled eastward already, throughout the newly acquired territories. Belarusians living around the area around Białystok were also pressured into relocating to the areas vacated by fleeing German population for the same reasons. This scattering of members of non-Polish ethnic groups throughout the country was an attempt by the Polish authorities[106] to dissolve the unique ethnic identity of groups like the Ukrainians, Belarusians and Lemkos, and broke the proximity and communication necessary for strong communities to form.
  • Tens of thousands of Jewish Holocaust-survivors, most of them being "repatriates" from the East, settled mostly in Lower Silesia creating Jewish cooperatives and institutions - the largest communities were founded in Wroclaw (Breslau, Lower Silesia), Szczecin (Stettin, Pomerania), Dzierżoniów (formerly Reichenbach)) and Walbrzych (Waldenburg, Lower Silesia)[107]. However most of them later left Poland.

Polish and Soviet newspapers and officials encouraged Poles to relocate to the west - "the land of opportunity"[108]. These new territories - known in Poland as the Recovered or Regained Territories - were described as a place where opulent villas abandoned by fleeing Germans waited for the brave; fully furnished houses and businesses were available for the taking.[109]. These were the just rewards for the hardships and bitter losses of the war. The papers urged, "Go! Tomorrow might be too late".[110]

Formal end of the expulsions

After 1 January 1948, Germans were primarily shipped to the Soviet occupation zone (after 3 October 1949, the German Democratic Republic), based on a Polish-Soviet agreement.[111] Most Germans had been expelled by the end of 1947. In entire 1948, a relatively small number of 42,700 were expelled, and another 34,100 in 1949.[111] In 1950, 59,433 Germans were expelled following a bi-lateral agreement between the People's Republic of Poland and the German Democratic Republic (GDR), 26,196 of whom however headed for West Germany.[111] Between October 1948 and December 1950 all 35,000 German prisoners of war detained in Poland were shipped to Germany.[111]

On 10 March 1951, the Polish "Bureau for Repatriation" (PUR) was disbanded; all further resettlement from Poland to Germany was carried out in a non-forcible and peaceful manner by the Polish state travel agency Orbis.[111]

Demographic estimates

According Polish census in 1946, there were still 2,036,400 Germans in the "Recovered Territories", 251,900 in the pre-war Polish territories (primarily eastern Upper Silesia, Pomerelia and Wielkopolska) and the former Free City of Danzig, and 417,000 in the process of "verification" as "new" Poles.[112] The census data did not include former German citizens already "verified" as ethnic Poles, Germans in forced labor or detention camps and otherwise detained Germans, and Germans employed by the Soviet administration.[112]

According to S. Banasiak, 3,109,900 Germans were expelled to the Soviet and British occupation zones and thereby registrated by Polish officials between 1945 and 1950.[113] Registration by Polish officials was not exhaustive, especially in 1945.[113] An unknown number left without formal registration or was expelled by Soviet military authorities without notifying Polish officials responsible for statistics.[113] Also, especially in 1945, many Germans returned to their former homes and some were expelled more than once.[113]

Thomasz Kamusella is citing estimates of 7 million expelled during both "wild" and "legal" expulsions from the "Recovered Territories" until 1948, joined by an additional 700,000 from areas of pre-war Poland.[10] Kamusella states that about 5 million had fled from the former eastern territories of Germany, and 500,000 from pre-war Poland in 1944 and 1945, that another 3.325 millions were expelled from the former German territories in 1946-1948, emphasizing these numbers are not exhaustive.[114]

Overy cites approximate totals of those evacuated, migrated, or expelled between 1944–1950 from East Prussia: 1.4 million to Western Germany, 609,000 to Eastern Germany; from West Prussia: 230,000 to Western Germany, 61,000 to Eastern Germany; from the former German area East of the Oder-Neisse: 3.2 million to Western Germany, 2 million to Eastern Germany.[115]

According to Nitschke, of around 12.4 million Germans residing within the lands of post-war Poland in 1944, 3.6 million were expelled, one million were certified as Poles, 300,000 remained in Poland as a German minority, and up to 1.1 million are unaccounted for and presumed to be dead (killed).[116]

According to Kacowicz, about 3.5 million people had fled before the organized expulsions began, mainly driven by fear of the advancing Soviet Army, between seven hundred and eight hundred thousand Germans were affected by the "wild" expulsions, and another three millions were expelled in 1946 and 1947.[1]

Legacy

Post-war

In Communist Poland, the expulsions were not to be questioned, and ideologically defended by propaganda.[117] The anti-German argument was an important element for the communists to gain acceptance with Polish population, large parts of which were anti-communist. The expulsions were perceived by many Poles as just with respect to the former Nazi policies, injustices were balanced off with the injustices during the contemporary "repatriation" of Poles.[117] Except for the use in official anti-German propaganda, the expulsions became a taboo in Polish politics, public, and education for decades.[117] German expellee organizations who did not accept the post-war territorial and population changes fueled Communist propaganda dismissing them as far-right revanchists.[118]

In the first years after the war, the bishop of Katowice Stanisław Adamski criticized the expulsion of Germans as inhumane. In 1965, a group of Polish bishops made a particularly important overture by sending a letter to their German counterparts in which they asked forgiveness for the wrongs perpetrated during the expulsion and at the same time offered forgiveness for German war crimes. Attempts were made by Znak, a group of Catholic members of parliament, and the oppositional Clubs of Catholic Intelligentsia (Kluby Inteligencji Katolickiej, KIK) to attain a somewhat less ideologized picture of the Germans. This new perspective also meant dealing critically with the question of how the expulsion of Germans was to be incorporated into the self-image of Polish society.[119]

According to Philipp Ther, pre-1989 Polish historiography has in general either under-estimated or concealed the role of force during the expulsions.[120] Ther says that this was caused on the one hand by censorship, and on the other hand by the interpretation of the registration forms the expellees had signed as acquiescence to "voluntary emigration".[120]

Post-communist (1989-present)

Since the beginning of the 1990s, there has been a lively debate in Poland regarding the post-war expulsion of the Germans. The Polish role in the expulsions could not be contemplated in Poland until the end of the Cold War.[64] After the signing of the German-Polish treaty on borders and neighbourly relations as well as the visible congruence of Germany's and Poland's interests in a Europe which was reuniting in the first half of the 1990s, it was not only Poland's political and intellectual elites who dealt with the Polish role in the expulsions, but also larger parts of the general public. In regions from which the Germans had been expelled, Polish citizens began looking for traces of German cultural heritage and German traditions (as, for instance, a German-Polish network set up in the border regions).[121]

In the Polish-German border and neighborhood treaties of 1990 and 1991, the term "expulsion" for the first time replaced the old and euphemistic Communist term "resettlement" or the Potsdam term "population transfer", which were used by Polish officials before.[118] Though "Wypędzenie", the Polish term for "expulsion", is since widely used officially, in regular linguistic practice it is still an emotionally loaded term, not as it were, something that is being acknowledged, and closely attached to the question of "right" or "wrong".[122] Polish and joint German-Polish scholary research and public debates in Poland were now concerned with issues like moral examination of the expulsions, responsibility for the inflicted suffering, terminology, numbers, and whether the expellee's status was that of a political subject or object.[118]

In 1995, Polish foreign minister Władysław Bartoszewski expressed regret about the suffering of innocent Germans during the expulsions in a speech held before German parliament and federative council.[122] In 1996, Polish public opinion research institute CBOS polled public opinion about a phrase in the letter of reconciliation the Polish bishops wrote in 1965: "We forgive and ask for forgiveness": 28% agreed; 45% agreed with the offering of forgiveness, but rejected that the part that asked for forgiveness; 22% disagreed altogether.[122]

However the desire for reconciliation was tempered when shifts in German remembrance culture became evident at the turn of the millennium.[123] When members of organizations like Preussische Treuhand prepared law suits aiming at compensation to the expelled and their descendants,[124] many Poles feared that the importance attached to Nazi war crimes in Poland and the related Polish suffering might decrease,[125][126] and that Poland would be liable for reclaimed property worth billions of euros.[126]

In addition, anxiety is growing in Poland about the legal and moral claim to Poland's post-war territorial gains.[126] The legal aspects have been investigated by various international law experts coming to different conclusions,[126] prompting both Germany and Poland to employ a joint expert team that gave an overall negative answer to chances for such legal challenges.[127] Polish government made some efforts to sue Germany for damages inflicted on Poland during World War II in return.[124] The advancing German project of erecting a Centre against expulsions depicting the fate of German expellees is controversially discussed in Poland, and was described by former Polish Prime Minister Jarosław Kaczyński as "equating the victims with the persecutors".[128] The Polish reaction was severely criticized in Germany.[119]

Nevertheless the personal relations between the former and the modern inhabitants of these areas are often exceptional good, e.g. active members of refugee organisations are honorary citizens of their birthtowns[129].

See also

Notes

  1. 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 Arie Marcelo Kacowicz, Pawel Lutomski, Population resettlement in international conflicts: a comparative study, Lexington Books, 2007, pp.100,101 ISBN 073911607 [1]
  2. Philipp Ther, Deutsche Und Polnische Vertriebene: Gesellschaft und Vertriebenenpolitik in SBZ/ddr und in Polen 1945-1956, 1998, p.56, ISBN 3525357907: From June until mid July, Polish military and militia expelled nearly all people from the districts immediately east of the rivers [Oder-Neisse line]
  3. The Expulsion of 'German' Communities from Eastern Europe at the end of the Second World War, Steffen Prauser and Arfon Rees, European University Institute, Florense. HEC No. 2004/1. p.27
  4. Matthew J. Gibney, Randall Hansen, Immigration and Asylum: From 1900 to the Present, 2005, p.197, ISBN 1576077969, 9781576077962
  5. Naimark, Russian in Germany. p. 75 reference 31:" a citation from the Plenum of the Central Committee of the Polish Workers Party, May 20-21, 1945."
  6. The Expulsion of 'German' Communities from Eastern Europe at the end of the Second World War, Steffen Prauser and Arfon Rees, European University Institute, Florense. HEC No. 2004/1. p.26: confirms motivation to create an ethnically homogeneous Poland
  7. 7.0 7.1 7.2 7.3 Philipp Ther, Deutsche und polnische Vertriebene: Gesellschaft und Vertriebenenpolitik in SBZ/DDR und in Polen 1945-1956, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1998, p.306, ISBN 3525357907
  8. 8.0 8.1 8.2 The Expulsion of 'German' Communities from Eastern Europe at the end of the Second World War, Steffen Prauser and Arfon Rees, European University Institute, Florense. HEC No. 2004/1. p.28
  9. 9.0 9.1 The Expulsion of 'German' Communities from Eastern Europe at the end of the Second World War, Steffen Prauser and Arfon Rees, European University Institute, Florense. HEC No. 2004/1. p.30
  10. 10.0 10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4 10.5 The Expulsion of 'German' Communities from Eastern Europe at the end of the Second World War, Steffen Prauser and Arfon Rees, European University Institute, Florense. HEC No. 2004/1. p.29
  11. 11.0 11.1 Bernard Wasserstein, European Refugee Movements After World War Two, BBC history, [2]
  12. 12.00 12.01 12.02 12.03 12.04 12.05 12.06 12.07 12.08 12.09 12.10 12.11 12.12 Matthew J. Gibney, Randall Hansen, Immigration and Asylum: From 1900 to the Present, 2005, p.198, ISBN 1576077969, 9781576077962
  13. 13.0 13.1 13.2 13.3 Earl R. Beck, Under the Bombs: The German Home Front, 1942-1945, University Press of Kentucky, 1999, p.176, ISBN 0813109779
  14. 14.0 14.1 14.2 p. 35 - Jankowiak, Stanisław (2005). "Wysiedlenie i emigracja ludności niemieckiej w polityce władz polskich w latach 1945-1970" (Expulsion and emigration of German population in the policies of Polish authorities in 1945-1970). Warszawa: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej. ISBN 83-89078-80-5. 
  15. Overy, ibid.
  16. Detlef Brandes. "Der Weg zur Vertreibung 1938-1945. Pläne und Entscheidungen zum Transfer", p.233
  17. Klaus Rehbein, Die westdeutsche Oder/Neisse-Debatte: Hintergründe, Prozess und Ende des Bonner Tabus, LIT Verlag Berlin-Hamburg-Münster, 2005, p.11, ISBN 3825893405
  18. Klaus Rehbein, Die westdeutsche Oder/Neisse-Debatte: Hintergründe, Prozess und Ende des Bonner Tabus, LIT Verlag Berlin-Hamburg-Münster, 2005, p.17, ISBN 3825893405
  19. Alfred M. De Zayas, Nemesis at Potsdam, p.85
  20. Klaus Rehbein, Die westdeutsche Oder/Neisse-Debatte: Hintergründe, Prozess und Ende des Bonner Tabus, LIT Verlag Berlin-Hamburg-Münster, 2005, p.18, ISBN 3825893405
  21. Philipp Ther, Deutsche Und Polnische Vertriebene: Gesellschaft und Vertriebenenpolitik in SBZ/ddr und in Polen 1945-1956, 1998, p.56, ISBN 3525357907, 9783525357903: From June until mid July, Polish military and militia expelled nearly all people from the districts immediately east of the rivers [Oder-Neisse line]
  22. Gormly, p. 49
  23. 23.0 23.1 Gormly, p. 50
  24. Gormly, p.51
  25. Gormly: p.55f
  26. Norman M. Naimark, Fires of Hatred: Ethnic Cleansing in Twentieth-Century Europe, Harvard University Press, 2002, ISBN 0674009940, p.123
  27. Viktoria Vierheller, "Polen und die Deutschland Frage 1939-1945", Köln 1970, p. 65
  28. 28.0 28.1 28.2 Norman M. Naimark, Fires of Hatred, p.123
  29. Stanisław Mikołajczyk, "The pattern of Soviet Domination", London 1948, p. 301
  30. Thomas Urban, "Der Verlust ...", p. 114
  31. Sunday Times, December 17, 1944
  32. 32.0 32.1 Norman M. Naimark, Fires of Hatred, p.124
  33. Erwin Ay, Rettende Ufer: Von Ostpreußen nach Dänemark, BoD – Books on Demand, 2005, p.13, ISBN 3833441151
  34. 34.0 34.1 34.2 Erwin Ay, Rettende Ufer: Von Ostpreußen nach Dänemark, BoD – Books on Demand, 2005, p.14, ISBN 3833441151
  35. 35.0 35.1 Erwin Ay, Rettende Ufer: Von Ostpreußen nach Dänemark, BoD – Books on Demand, 2005, p.21, ISBN 3833441151
  36. Erwin Ay, Rettende Ufer: Von Ostpreußen nach Dänemark, BoD – Books on Demand, 2005, p.16, ISBN 3833441151
  37. Erwin Ay, Rettende Ufer: Von Ostpreußen nach Dänemark, BoD – Books on Demand, 2005, p.15, ISBN 3833441151
  38. 38.0 38.1 Erwin Ay, Rettende Ufer: Von Ostpreußen nach Dänemark, BoD – Books on Demand, 2005, p.17, ISBN 3833441151
  39. 39.0 39.1 Erwin Ay, Rettende Ufer: Von Ostpreußen nach Dänemark, BoD – Books on Demand, 2005, p.28, ISBN 3833441151
  40. Werner Buchholz, Pommern, Siedler, 1999, p.516, ISBN 3886802728: reference confirming this for Pomerania
  41. 41.0 41.1 Erwin Ay, Rettende Ufer: Von Ostpreußen nach Dänemark, BoD – Books on Demand, 2005, p.22, ISBN 3833441151: confirming this for East Prussia
  42. Annette Neulist, Wolfgang Moll, Die Jugend Alter Menschen: Gesprächsanregungen für die Altenpflege, Elsevier,Urban&FischerVerlag, 2005, p.124, ISBN 3437273809: eyewitness account of February radio broadcasts in East Prussia: "Ostpreußen darf nicht verloren gehen. Es besteht keine Veranlassung, die Bevölkerung zu evakuieren.".
  43. Erwin Ay, Rettende Ufer: Von Ostpreußen nach Dänemark, BoD – Books on Demand, 2005, p.17, ISBN 3833441151: Hitler: "Zusammengelesenes Pack" und "Beutedivisionen", die zu keiner Entscheidungsschlacht mehr fähig seien.
  44. Erwin Ay, Rettende Ufer: Von Ostpreußen nach Dänemark, BoD – Books on Demand, 2005, p.17, ISBN 3833441151: Himmler: Der größte Bluff seit Dschingis Khan.
  45. Matthew J. Gibney, Randall Hansen, Immigration and Asylum: From 1900 to the Present, 2005, pp.197,198, ISBN 1576077969
  46. Erwin Ay, Rettende Ufer: Von Ostpreußen nach Dänemark, BoD – Books on Demand, 2005, p.27, ISBN 3833441151
  47. Erwin Ay, Rettende Ufer: Von Ostpreußen nach Dänemark, BoD – Books on Demand, 2005, p.27, ISBN 3833441151, citing Günter Böddeker: Die Flüchtlinge, p.93
  48. Erwin Ay, Rettende Ufer: Von Ostpreußen nach Dänemark, BoD – Books on Demand, 2005, p.31, ISBN 3833441151, citing Martin Holz: Evakuierte, Flüchtlinge, Vertriebene, pp.86,87
  49. Erwin Ay, Rettende Ufer: Von Ostpreußen nach Dänemark, BoD – Books on Demand, 2005, p.59, ISBN 3833441151
  50. Manfred Ertel. "A Legacy of Dead German Children", Spiegel Online, May 16, 2005
  51. Ulf Brunnbauer, Michael G. Esch, Holm Sundhaussen, Definitionsmacht, Utopie, Vergeltung, p.84
  52. Torsten Mehlhase, Flüchtlinge und Vertriebene nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg in Sachsen-Anhalt: ihre Aufnahme und Bestrebungen zur Eingliederung in die Gesellschaft, LIT Verlag Berlin-Hamburg-Münster, 1999, p.256, ISBN 3825842789: 70,000 refugees in Swinemünde on 12 March 1945
  53. Petra Dubilski, Ostseeküste- Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, DuMont Reiseverlag, 2003, p.200, ISBN 3770159268
  54. Daniela Schetar-Köthe, ADAC Reiseführer Polen, ADAC Verlag DE, 2007, p.98, ISBN 3899054911
  55. Werner Buchholz, Pommern, Siedler, 1999, p.514, ISBN 3886802728
  56. Erwin Ay, Rettende Ufer: Von Ostpreußen nach Dänemark, BoD – Books on Demand, 2005, p.23, ISBN 3833441151: 12km route, land route blocked when Soviets took Elbing, thousands died due to cold and air raids
  57. Silke Satjukow, Besatzer: »die Russen« in Deutschland 1945-1994, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2008, p.338, ISBN 352536380
  58. Ulf Brunnbauer, Michael G. Esch, Holm Sundhaussen, Definitionsmacht, Utopie, Vergeltung, p.85
  59. Adam Zadworny, They Were Killing Germans in Revenge, Wyborza, 2008-01-18 [3]
  60. R. J. Rummel, Irving Louis Horowitz (1997). Death by Government. Transaction Publishers. p. 302. http://books.google.com/books?id=N1j1QdPMockC&pg=PA302&dq=karski+roosevelt+revenge. "I would rather be frank with you, Mr. President. Nothing on earth will stop the Poles from taking some kind of revenge on the Germans after the Nazi collapse. There will be some terrorism, probably short-lived, but it will be unavoidable. And I think this will be a sort of encouragement for all the Germans in Poland to go west, to Germany proper, where they belong." 
  61. Tomasz Kamusella in Prauser and Reeds (eds), The Expulsion of the German communities from Eastern Europe, p.29, EUI HEC 2004/1 [4]
  62. Norman M. Naimark, Fires of Hatred, p.131
  63. Norman M. Naimark, Fires of Hatred, p.130, p.131
  64. 64.0 64.1 Arie Marcelo Kacowicz, Pawel Lutomski, Population resettlement in international conflicts: a comparative study, Lexington Books, 2007, p.101, ISBN 073911607 [5]
  65. Norman M. Naimark, Fires of Hatred, p.130
  66. Norman M. Naimark, Fires of Hatred, p.130
  67. Norman M. Naimark, Fires of Hatred, p.130
  68. Alfred M. de Zayas, Nemesis at Potsdam, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London 1977 ISBN 0710084684 pp. 124ff.
  69. Manfred Gebhardt, Joachim Küttner, Dieter Bingen, Deutsche in Polen nach 1945: Gefangene und Fremde, 1997, p.23, ISBN 3486562363, 9783486562361
  70. Manfred Gebhardt, Joachim Küttner, Dieter Bingen, Deutsche in Polen nach 1945: Gefangene und Fremde, 1997, p.24, ISBN 3486562363, 9783486562361
  71. Manfred Gebhardt, Joachim Küttner, Dieter Bingen, Deutsche in Polen nach 1945: Gefangene und Fremde, 1997, p.24, ISBN 3486562363, 9783486562361
  72. Manfred Gebhardt, Joachim Küttner, Dieter Bingen, Deutsche in Polen nach 1945: Gefangene und Fremde, 1997, p.24, ISBN 3486562363, 9783486562361
  73. Philipp Ther, Deutsche Und Polnische Vertriebene: Gesellschaft und Vertriebenenpolitik in SBZ/ddr und in Polen 1945-1956, 1998, p.56, ISBN 3525357907, 9783525357903: From June until mid July, Polish military and militia expelled nearly all people from the districts immediately east of the rivers [Oder-Neisse line]
  74. Naimark, The Russians ..., p. 75 reference 31
  75. Philipp Ther, Deutsche Und Polnische Vertriebene: Gesellschaft und Vertriebenenpolitik in SBZ/ddr und in Polen 1945-1956, 1998, p. 56, ISBN 3525357907, 9783525357903
  76. Philipp Ther, Deutsche Und Polnische Vertriebene: Gesellschaft und Vertriebenenpolitik in SBZ/ddr und in Polen 1945-1956, 1998, p. 57, ISBN 3525357907, 9783525357903
  77. Ulf Brunnbauer, Michael G. Esch, Holm Sundhaussen, Definitionsmacht, Utopie, Vergeltung: "ethnische Säuberungen" im östlichen Europa des 20. Jahrhunderts, 2006, p.85, ISBN 3825880338, 9783825880330
  78. Norman M. Naimark, Fires of Hatred, p.130
  79. Ulf Brunnbauer, Michael G. Esch, Holm Sundhaussen, Definitionsmacht, Utopie, Vergeltung: "ethnische Säuberungen" im östlichen Europa des 20. Jahrhunderts, 2006, p.86, ISBN 3825880338, 9783825880330
  80. Ulf Brunnbauer, Michael G. Esch, Holm Sundhaussen, Definitionsmacht, Utopie, Vergeltung, p.85, 2006, ISBN 3825880338, 9783825880330
  81. Meyers Lexicon Online. Vertreibung.
  82. 82.0 82.1 82.2 Philipp Ther, Deutsche Und Polnische Vertriebene, p.60
  83. Philipp Ther, Deutsche Und Polnische Vertriebene, p.59
  84. 84.0 84.1 84.2 Norman M. Naimark, Fires of Hatred, p.128
  85. Philipp Ther, Deutsche Und Polnische Vertriebene, p.58
  86. Philipp Ther, Deutsche Und Polnische Vertriebene, p.61
  87. Philipp Ther, Deutsche Und Polnische Vertriebene, p.59/60
  88. Ulf Brunnbauer, Michael G. Esch, Holm Sundhaussen, Definitionsmacht, Utopie, Vergeltung: "ethnische Säuberungen" im östlichen Europa des 20. Jahrhunderts, LIT Verlag Berlin-Hamburg-Münster, 2006, p.85, ISBN 3825880338
  89. Allen, Debra J. (2003). The Oder-Neisse line: the United States, Poland, and Germany in the Cold War. Westport: Praeger. pp. 43. ISBN 0313323593. http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=7LRuWXPmqxMC&pg=PA27&lpg=PA27&dq=Stalin+fixes+the+oder-neisse+line&source=bl&ots=u6FUQeb8jI&sig=Y8ul-ZmldPrEUaI6GG4RC0jtVEo&hl=en&ei=SLorS-aoDKPajQfT_LSbBw&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=5&ved=0CBkQ6AEwBA#v=onepage&q=&f=false. 
  90. Tomasz Kamusella in Prauser and Reeds (eds), The Expulsion of the German communities from Eastern Europe, p.28, EUI HEC 2004/1 [6]
  91. Tomasz Kamusella in Prauser and Reeds (eds), The Expulsion of the German communities from Eastern Europe, p.28, EUI HEC 2004/1 [7]
  92. Tomasz Kamusella in Prauser and Reeds (eds), The Expulsion of the German communities from Eastern Europe, p.28, EUI HEC 2004/1 [8]
  93. Nitschke, Vertreibung und Aussiedlung .., p. 165
  94. 94.0 94.1 Philipp Ther, Deutsche und polnische Vertriebene: Gesellschaft und Vertriebenenpolitik in SBZ/DDR und in Polen 1945-1956, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1998, p.305, ISBN 3525357907
  95. 95.0 95.1 95.2 95.3 95.4 95.5 K. Cordell in Stefan Wolff, German Minorities in Europe: Ethnic Identity and Cultural Belonging, Berghahn Books, 2000, pp.79,80, ISBN 157181504
  96. Tomasz Kamusella in Prauser and Reeds (eds), The Expulsion of the German communities from Eastern Europe, p.29, EUI HEC 2004/1 [9]
  97. Tomasz Kamusella in Prauser and Reeds (eds), The Expulsion of the German communities from Eastern Europe, p.29, EUI HEC 2004/1 [10]
  98. 98.0 98.1 98.2 98.3 98.4 98.5 98.6 Stefan Wolff, German Minorities in Europe: Ethnic Identity and Cultural Belonging, Berghahn Books, 2000, p.79, ISBN 157181504
  99. Werner Besch, Dialektologie: Ein Handbuch zur Deutschen und allgemeinen Dialektforschung, Walter de Gruyter, 1982, p.178, ISBN 3110059770
  100. Karl Cordell, Andrzej Antoszewski, Poland and the European Union, 2000, p.168, ISBN 0415238854, 9780415238854: gives 4,55 million within the first years
  101. Karl Cordell, Andrzej Antoszewski, Poland and the European Union, 2000, p.168, ISBN 0415238854, 9780415238854: 2,8 million of 4,55 million within the first years
  102. Dierk Hoffmann, Michael Schwartz, Geglückte Integration?, p142
  103. Karl Cordell, Andrzej Antoszewski, Poland and the European Union, 2000, p.168, ISBN 0415238854, 9780415238854: 1,5 million of 4,55 million within the first years
  104. Dierk Hoffmann, Michael Schwartz, Geglückte Integration?, p142
  105. Karl Cordell, Andrzej Antoszewski, Poland and the European Union, 2000, p.168, ISBN 0415238854, 9780415238854: 1,55 million of 4,55 million within the first years
  106. Thum, p.129
  107. Selwyn Ilan Troen, Benjamin Pinkus, Merkaz le-moreshet Ben-Guryon, Organizing Rescue: National Jewish Solidarity in the Modern Period, pp.283-284, 1992, ISBN 0714634131, 9780714634135
  108. Karl Cordell, Andrzej Antoszewski, Poland and the European Union, 2000, p.168, ISBN 0415238854, 9780415238854: created the image in public mind that the area was Poland's promised land
  109. Gregor Thum, Die fremde Stadt. Breslau 1945, p.120
  110. Gregor Thum, Die fremde Stadt. Breslau 1945, p.120-121
  111. 111.0 111.1 111.2 111.3 111.4 Grzegorz Janusz in Manfred Kittel, Deutschsprachige Minderheiten 1945: ein europäischer Vergleich, Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2007, pp.143,144, ISBN 3486580027
  112. 112.0 112.1 Manfred Kittel, Deutschsprachige Minderheiten 1945: ein europäischer Vergleich, Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2007, p.142, ISBN 3486580027
  113. 113.0 113.1 113.2 113.3 Manfred Kittel, Deutschsprachige Minderheiten 1945: ein europäischer Vergleich, Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2007, p.144, ISBN 3486580027
  114. The Expulsion of 'German' Communities from Eastern Europe at the end of the Second World War, Steffen Prauser and Arfon Rees, European University Institute, Florense. HEC No. 2004/1. p.22
  115. Overy, ibid.
  116. Nitschke, Vertreibung und Aussiedlung .., p. 280
  117. 117.0 117.1 117.2 Arie Marcelo Kacowicz, Pawel Lutomski, Population resettlement in international conflicts: a comparative study, Lexington Books, 2007, p.100, ISBN 073911607 [11]
  118. 118.0 118.1 118.2 Arie Marcelo Kacowicz, Pawel Lutomski, Population resettlement in international conflicts: a comparative study, Lexington Books, 2007, p.103, ISBN 073911607
  119. 119.0 119.1 Kraft, Claudia, Debates on the Expulsion of Germans in Poland since 1945
  120. 120.0 120.1 Philipp Ther, Deutsche und polnische Vertriebene: Gesellschaft und Vertriebenenpolitik in SBZ/DDR und in Polen 1945-1956, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1998, p.82, ISBN 3525357907
  121. Krzysztof Ruchniewicz, Jürgen Zinnecker, Zwischen Zwangsarbeit, Holocaust und Vertreibung: Polnische, jüdische und deutsche Kindheiten im besetzten Polen, 2007, pp.27ff ISBN 3779917335, 9783779917335 [12]
  122. 122.0 122.1 122.2 Arie Marcelo Kacowicz, Pawel Lutomski, Population resettlement in international conflicts: a comparative study, Lexington Books, 2007, p.104, ISBN 073911607
  123. Polish Leaders Criticize Latest German Compensation Claims, Deutsche Welle, 6.12.2006
  124. 124.0 124.1 Arie Marcelo Kacowicz, Pawel Lutomski, Population resettlement in international conflicts: a comparative study, Lexington Books, 2007, p.109 ISBN 073911607
  125. Poles Angered by German WWII Compensation Claims, Spiegel Online, 12/18/2006
  126. 126.0 126.1 126.2 126.3 Arie Marcelo Kacowicz, Pawel Lutomski, Population resettlement in international conflicts: a comparative study, Lexington Books, 2007, p.107, ISBN 073911607
  127. Arie Marcelo Kacowicz, Pawel Lutomski, Population resettlement in international conflicts: a comparative study, Lexington Books, 2007, pp.107,108 ISBN 073911607
  128. War Compensation Claims Still Plague Polish-German Ties, Deutsche Welle, 30.10.2006
  129. openpr.de e.g. the chairman of the refugees of the Lötzen district

Sources

  • Ther, Philipp (1998) (in German). "Deutsche und polnische Vertriebene: Gesellschaft und Vertriebenenpolitik in SBZ/DDR und in Polen 1945-1956". Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. ISBN 3525357907. 
  • Podlasek, Maria (1995) (in Polish). "Wypędzenie Niemców z terenów na wschód od Odry i Nysy Łużyckiej". Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Polsko - Niemieckie. ISBN 8386653000. 
  • Nitschke, Bernadetta (2003). Vertreibung und Aussiedlung der deutschen Bevölkerung aus Polen 1945 bis 1949. Munich: Oldenbourg. 
  • Jankowiak, Stanisław (2005). "Wysiedlenie i emigracja ludności niemieckiej w polityce władz polskich w latach 1945-1970" (Expulsion and emigration of German population in the policies of Polish authorities in 1945-1970). Warszawa: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej. ISBN 83-89078-80-5. 
  • Zybura, Marek (2004). "Niemcy w Polsce" (Germans in Poland). Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Dolnośląskie. ISBN 83-7384-171-7. 
  • Baziur, Grzegorz (2003). "Armia Czerwona na Pomorzu Gdańskim 1945-1947" (Red Army in Gdańsk Pomerania 1945-1947). Warszawa: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej. ISBN 83-89078-19-8. 
  • Norman M. Naimark. The Russians in Germany: A History of the Soviet Zone of Occupation, 1945-1949. Harvard University Press, 1995. ISBN 0-674-78405-7
  • James L. Gormly: From Potsdam to the Cold War. Big Three Diplomacy 1945-1947. Scholarly Resources Inc. Delaware, 1990 (ISBN 0-8420-2334-8)
  • Urban, Thomas (2004) (in German). Der Verlust. Die Vertreibung der Deutschen und Polen im 20. Jahrhundert. München: C. H. Beck Verlag. ISBN 340652172X. 
  • Thum, Gregor (2003). Die fremde Stadt. Breslau 1945. Berlin: Siedler. ISBN 3-88680-795-9. 

 

All translations of Flight_and_expulsion_of_Germans_from_Poland_during_and_after_World_War_II


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